Two impeachments against Donald J. Trump are already on the books, but the outcome of a Georgia investigation into the former president and some of his allies promises to be strikingly different.

While the cases brought by the Manhattan district attorney and the Justice Department have focused mostly on Mr. Trump himself, a long-running election interference investigation by prosecutors in Atlanta has cast a much wider net, with nearly 20 people already warned they could face charges.

Fani T. Willis, the district attorney for Fulton County, Ga., is leading the investigation and has indicated she will seek charges by mid-August. A special grand jury that heard evidence for about seven months recommended more than a dozen people for indictment, and its forerunner strongly suggested in an interview in February that Mr. Trump was among them.

Because special grand juries are only advisory, Ms. Willis, a Democrat, will present her case next month to a regular grand jury, which can hand down indictments, a process that usually takes a day or two.

Trump’s aides and allies whose conduct has come under close scrutiny in the investigation include Rudolph W. Giuliani, Mr. Trump’s former personal lawyer; Mark Meadows, the former White House chief of staff; John Eastman, legal architect of Mr. Trump’s efforts to stay in power; and Jeffrey Clark, a former senior official at the Justice Department who sought to intervene in Georgia after the 2020 election.

There were more legal salvos in the investigation on Friday. The Trump team presented an amended petition seeking to have Mrs. Willis disqualified and the work of the special grand jury thrown out. Ural Glanville, the chief judge of the Fulton County Superior Court, issued an order recusing all the judges in Fulton County from deciding the question and referring it to another court.

Earlier this week, the Georgia Supreme Court unanimously rejected a similar request from Mr. Trump’s lawyers.

The Georgia investigation, which began in February 2021, examined whether the former president and his allies illegally interfered in the 2020 presidential election in the state, where Mr. Trump narrowly lost to President Biden. Among other things, prosecutors examined the recruitment of a list of alternate presidential electors, even after the results of Georgia were recertified by the Republican leadership of the state.

They also reviewed phone calls Mr. Trump made to pressure state officials after the election, including one in which he told Brad Raffensperger, Georgia’s secretary of state, that he needed to “find” 11,780 votes — one more than Joseph R. Biden Jr.’s margin of victory. in the state.

Because of the logistics involved in bringing such a high-profile case, Ms. Willis has telegraphed a timeline for any charges she may bring. In May, she took the unusual step of telling most of her staff to work remotely for the first three weeks of August, and she asked judges in the downtown Atlanta courthouse not to schedule trials for part of that time. In a letter sent to 21 county officials, she thanked them “for your consideration and assistance in keeping the Fulton County Judicial Complex safe during this time.”

Even the former president’s lawyers are treating an indictment in Georgia as a foregone conclusion, saying in a legal filing Friday that “the Prosecutor has indicated publicly that she is seeking an indictment by a regular grand jury, which was empaneled last week.”

Similar federal charges could also be coming. This week, Jack Smith, the special counsel investigating Mr. Trump’s attempts to reverse his defeat, informed the former president that he could soon face impeachment. But while Mr. Trump could theoretically derail a federal case or pardon himself if he were re-elected president, Georgia law makes pardons an option only five years after the completion of a sentence. Getting a sentence commuted would require the approval of a state board.

Racketeering charges were raised as an option from the early days of the Georgia case. In an interview with The New York Times more than two years ago, when the investigation had just begun, Ms. Willis discussed the possibility of using such accusations, with which she has long experience.

Whenever people “hear the word ‘mafia,’ they think of ‘The Godfather,'” she said, before explaining that charges under Georgia’s version of the federal Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act could apply in any number of spheres where corrupt enterprises operate.

“If you have various overt actions for an illegal purpose,” she said at the time, “I think you can — you can — get there.”

A number of prominent Trump advisers may face considerable legal exposure in the case, based on a review of court records and interviews with dozens of lawyers connected to the investigation. Chief among them is Mr. Giuliani, who has already been told he is a target who could face prosecution in Georgia.

In the weeks after the 2020 election, Mr. Giuliani peddled bogus conspiracy theories in hearings before state lawmakers about secret Democratic ballot bags and rigged voting machines. He told members of the state House of Representatives, “You cannot possibly certify Georgia in good faith.”

Mr. Meadows was ordered to testify before the special grand jury last year after losing a legal battle in South Carolina. In December 2020, he made a surprise visit to Cobb County, Ga., to try to view an electrical inspection that was in progress there. He also spoke to Frances Watson, Mr. Raffensperger’s chief investigator, a day before Mr. Trump called Ms. Watson and talked about “dropped ballots” and the need for “signature verification” in a rambling conversation.

And in court filings, prosecutors said Mr. Meadows set up and participated in Mr. Trump’s call to Mr. Raffensperger.

The conduct of a number of lawyers who advised Mr. Trump after the election also came under close scrutiny in Georgia, including Mr. Eastman, Sidney Powell, Kenneth Chesebro and Jenna Ellis.

In addition, Ms. Willis and her staff took considerable interest in Mr. Clark’s conduct, even though the Justice Department blocked their efforts to get him to testify. After the 2020 election, Mr. Clark tried to avoid the Justice Department’s guidance and made false claims in a draft letter to Georgia lawmakers about the department’s findings about the election results. In the letter, he also urged Congress to take steps to help Mr. Trump in his efforts to stay in power.

Senior Justice Department officials ultimately blocked him from sending the letter; Mr Clark also failed in his efforts to replace the acting US attorney general in the waning days of the Trump administration.

Mr Trump’s lawyers have attacked the Georgia case in their efforts to derail it ahead of any charges. “It’s one thing to charge a ham sandwich,” some of his lawyers said in a recent court filing. “Accusing the mustard-stained napkin it once sat on is quite another.”

Mr. Giuliani, entering the courthouse in Atlanta nearly a year ago, said that “we’re not going to talk about it until it’s over.” His lawyers said he did nothing improper in Georgia. Mr Eastman defended his conduct in an interview late last year with The Times and said he was simply a lawyer offering advice and acting in good faith.

George Terwilliger, a lawyer for Mr. Meadows, did not immediately respond to a request for comment on Friday. He recently said that Mr Meadows “upheld a commitment to tell the truth where he has a legal obligation to do so.”

Mr. Clark also defended his conduct, and said earlier this year that he was “terminated as a result of the 2020 election, The New York Times, etc., and the January 6th Committee.”

Norman Eisen, special counsel to the House Judiciary Committee during Trump’s first impeachment, said the Trump team’s attempts to dismiss the case before any indictments will not succeed. “It’s a complete sideshow,” he said. “None of the relief will be given.”

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